General information. Armenia’s lengthy and extensive process of municipal consolidation has reduced the number of municipalities from approximately 900 to the current 64[i]. Through draft legislation submitted to the National Assembly, the government proposes a further phase of consolidation centred on the municipalities of Ararat and Vanadzor, incorporating Vedi and Pambak respectively and bringing the total number of municipalities to 62[ii]. If the legislative package is adopted, municipal council elections will presumably be held in the newly formed municipalities. The explanatory memorandum cites improved administrative efficiency, the promotion of economic development, stronger social cohesion, human capital development, participatory governance, and more effective spatial planning as reasons for the proposed changes[iii]. It is worth stressing that essentially all municipal consolidation proposals cite these same arguments.
Seven municipalities currently remain outside the consolidation process: five municipalities inhabited by national minorities, as well as Yerevan and Gyumri. As noted, local elections in the two municipalities concerned will take place in 2027, following the adoption of the relevant legislation. The terms of office of local authorities in several municipalities expire this year. As in 2021, parliamentary elections will therefore be followed by a large round of municipal elections. Local elections have already been scheduled as follows:
- 27 September, in four municipalities: Ferik, Tumanyan, Lermontova, and Arzni.
- 25 October, in 21 municipalities: Artashat, Araks, Armavir, Gavar, Martuni, Vardenis, Stepanavan, Garni, Tsaghkadzor, Hrazdan, Akhuryan, Artik, Goris, Meghri, Yeghegnadzor, Jermuk, Vayk, Dilijan, and Ijevan.
- 29 November, in 12 municipalities: Ashtarak, Aparan, Baghramyan, Metsamor, Sevan, Spitak, Amasia, Ashotsk, Kapan, Noyemberyan, Arevut, and Metsadzor.
- 13 December, in four municipalities: Masis, Abovyan, Nor Hachn, and Nairi.
In effect, two of the 64 municipalities are undergoing consolidation and will hold elections next year, while elections have been scheduled in 41 municipalities by the end of this year. This means that new local authorities will be formed in more than half of Armenia’s municipalities, making the end of the year politically significant for the next five years of local self-government and territorial administration.
During the previous cycle in 2021, political interest in local elections was considerably lower. Political parties had concentrated much of their resources on the parliamentary elections. This political inactivity was also reflected in low voter turnout. Local elections have traditionally followed a different logic from national elections: success or failure at the national level does not necessarily translate into an equivalent result locally. Ahead of the current round, there is some activity and interest. Nevertheless, political parties will face considerable difficulties contesting elections in most municipalities, nominating suitable candidates, and organising campaigns. This explains the widespread practice whereby parties simply serve as platforms for local political figures, without any organic connection to their candidates.
Regulations, changes, and expectations. The first issue to address in the context of local elections is the right to vote and to stand for election. In local elections, the same eligibility requirements apply to both.
Eligibility to vote and to stand in local elections depends on a combination of three factors: a minimum age, the duration of registration, and actual physical presence in the country. Residents who have reached the age of 18 by polling day and are registered in the population register of the municipality holding the election are entitled to vote, regardless of whether they are Armenian citizens.
Armenian citizens must have been registered in the municipality for at least six months to vote or stand in local elections. Persons who do not hold Armenian citizenship may also vote and stand for election if they have been registered in the municipality for at least one year by polling day.
Recent amendments. In July, the National Assembly of the previous convocation adopted amendments to the Electoral Code, restricting electoral rights by introducing a requirement of physical presence in Armenia. Under this provision, eligibility to vote requires actual physical presence in Armenia for at least 366 of the 730 days preceding the election. This amendment prompted debate and criticism concerning its legality and constitutionality[iv].
Moreover, these legislative amendments take effect for the current local election cycle. In practice, this restricts the rights of previously eligible individuals through retroactive application. One-fifth of the members of the National Assembly have applied to the Constitutional Court for a ruling on the constitutionality of the provision restricting electoral rights. Notably, the Court has accepted the application for consideration and scheduled the opening hearing for 22 December. Consequently, this year’s local elections will already be held under the physical presence requirement.
Electoral system. Local elections in Armenia are held under both majoritarian and proportional electoral systems. However, the use of the majoritarian system is strictly limited. It applies only in municipalities with up to 4,000 voters: these are national minority municipalities that have not undergone consolidation.
In the remaining municipalities, which constitute the overwhelming majority, elections are held under proportional representation. Voters choose party lists, and seats on the municipal council are allocated in proportion to the share of votes received, as in Armenia’s parliamentary elections. An important difference concerns the electoral threshold. While the threshold for parties in local elections is likewise 4%, alliances must secure 6%.
Information on Electoral Deposit Amounts and the Number of Municipal Council Members in Local Elections
| Electoral Deposit for a Candidate, Party, or Alliance of Parties (AMD) | Number of municipal council members | |||
| Deposit for a candidate for municipal head (AMD) | Deposit for an individual municipal council candidate (AMD) | Deposit for a party or alliance list in proportional municipal council elections (AMD) | ||
| Up to 500 voters | 0 | 0 | 5 | |
| 501-1000 voters | 50000 | 10000 | 5 | |
| 1001-2000 voters | 100000 | 15000 | 7 | |
| 2001-4000 voters | 100000 | 15000 | 9 | |
| 4001-10000 voters | 200000 | 15 | ||
| 10001-25000 voters | 500000 | 21 | ||
| 25001-70000 voters | 1000000 | 27 | ||
| 70001-300000 voters | 1500000 | 33 | ||
For a more detailed account of the regulations governing local elections, see this article[v].
The number of voters in a municipality also determines the number of municipal council members, the electoral deposit, and the maximum amount of money that may be raised and spent during the campaign. In municipalities with up to 25,000 voters, the campaign financing ceiling is AMD 40 million; in those with more than 25,000 voters, it is AMD 60 million. Yerevan alone has a ceiling of AMD 300 million. The table below presents the electoral deposits and numbers of municipal council members published by the Central Electoral Commission[vi].
Conclusion. The 2026 local election cycle, covering 41 municipalities by the end of the year, will thus be politically decisive for the next five years of local self-government and territorial administration.
The introduction of the requirement of actual physical presence in Armenia warrants particular attention, as it effectively restricts, retroactively, the rights of individuals who previously enjoyed electoral rights. As noted, the Constitutional Court will examine the provision’s constitutionality on 22 December, but the current elections will already be held under this requirement.
Local elections offer political parties another opportunity to gauge their strength and establish their position in the political arena. In this respect, the elections will also have a significant bearing on subsequent political developments, whether a referendum on one of the various agendas under discussion, government reforms, or the next parliamentary elections. Unlike the 2021 cycle, when political parties’ resources were concentrated entirely on the parliamentary elections, some activity is evident this time. Nevertheless, parties will face considerable difficulties establishing a full presence in most municipalities by nominating candidates and organising campaigns. This will reinforce the practice of parties serving as platforms for local political figures.
Experience also shows that political realignments occur at the local level after elections. Over the preceding five years, there have been instances of both co-optation and cooperation by the central government with parties and groups that won locally, as well as cooperation among opposition forces seeking to assume power at the local level.
Tigran Mughnetsyan
This article was produced by the Armenian Council Research Center with the support of the Yerevan Office of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom’s South Caucasus regional programme.
The opinions and positions expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom or its staff.
[i] https://www.mtad.am/pages/armenian-communities
[ii] https://www.parliament.am/hy/blueprints/inner-history/75/inner-code/codeForWbsite0/?code=%D4%BF-10-24.08.2026-%D5%8F%D5%87-011%2F0
[iii] https://www.parliament.am/diskStorage/Drafts/K-10/cb7165cd-0ed2-4657-a726-ca95818d0001.pdf
[iv] https://hcav.am/announcement-02-09-26/
[v] https://civilnet.am/hy/news/1013871
[vi] https://res.elections.am/images/TIM/2021/grav2021.pdf
