Introduction
The key upcoming political event in Armenia is the parliamentary elections scheduled for 2026, the regulatory framework of which has already been addressed[i]. Accordingly, other political processes and institutions largely function as derivatives of the parliamentary electoral cycle. Armenia applies a proportional electoral system for all major elections, which—despite the significant role of individual personalities in the domestic political arena—renders political parties a central and indispensable actor.
The institutional framework for participation in elections is limited exclusively to political parties or party alliances. As a result, a number of movements and initiatives operating within the political field that have expressed intentions to participate in elections are compelled to transform into political parties. The process of “becoming a party” may take several forms: the establishment of a new party; the renaming and rebranding of a formally existing but inactive party—a practice that is relatively widespread in Armenia’s political landscape (e.g., the renaming of the Mission Party as Country to Live In); or the inclusion of representatives of various movements and initiatives within the ranks and electoral lists of an already established party.
Given the above, it is essential to examine and understand the functioning of the existing party system, as well as the structure and activities of individual political parties. Relevant data can be found in parties’ annual reports, which are published each February. At present, data on party activities for 2024 are available. Information concerning party activities for 2025 will become available in 2026 and will constitute the subject of a separate analysis.
Transparency International has published a series of infographics that comprehensively reflect the data contained in political parties’ 2024 financial reports[ii]. This study will draw upon that material, as well as information obtained from other open sources.
The Party System in 2024
In 2024, Armenia had 123 registered political parties. Notably, taking into account recent registrations and dissolutions, the total number of parties has currently reached 125. It is noteworthy that the period from 2021 to 2024 inclusive represents the most active phase of party registration in the history of Armenia’s Third Republic. This trend is the result of two primary factors.
First is the proportional electoral system, discussed earlier, under which the existence of a political party is a prerequisite for participation in political—and particularly electoral—processes. Second is the high level of uncertainty preceding the 2021 snap parliamentary elections, a period during which many actors perceived favorable opportunities to pursue political ambitions.
Such a large number of political parties is excessive for a country with a relatively small population like Armenia. More than one hundred parties do not generate genuine ideological diversity within the political arena, nor do they effectively serve as vehicles for articulating public concerns. Many of these parties were established with strictly short-term agendas, and it is evident that a significant number have not participated in any elections. Moreover, the majority of parties conduct no meaningful activity and remain largely unknown to the general public.
The following facts illustrate this reality. In 2024, five out of 123 parties (approximately 4%) failed to submit financial reports. By contrast, for the preceding year, 33 out of 116 parties (around 29%) did not submit reports for 2023. In this regard, a positive dynamic can be observed, which can be partially attributed to the increased effectiveness of the oversight body—the Corruption Prevention Commission (CPC).
Of the financial reports submitted for 2024, 83 reports (approximately 70%) were zero-balance reports, meaning that the parties reported no income of any kind—such as donations or membership fees—and no expenditures. In other words, they conducted no observable financial activity. In 2023, the number of parties submitting zero-balance reports was 57, accounting for roughly 69% of all submitted reports.
However, an important caveat must be noted: the submission of a zero-balance report does not necessarily mean that a party carried out no activities. It is possible that some parties underreported or deliberately failed to disclose their financial activity, thereby concealing it from public scrutiny. This situation, paradoxically, reflects shortcomings in the CPC’s oversight capacity, as the supervisory authority reviews the reports of only a limited number of parties. This, in turn, fosters a sense of impunity.
In absolute terms, there was a modest increase in the number of parties engaged in financial activity in 2024 compared to 2023—from 26 to 35 parties. However, in percentage terms, the share of parties reporting financial activity remained virtually unchanged, at approximately 30%.
The majority of political parties lack an official website, and around half do not even maintain a Facebook page. In today’s realities, these circumstances indicate ineffective public communication and the absence of meaningful engagement with potential supporters and voters.
Party Assets and Financial Resources
In terms of offices, the Republican Party possesses the largest number in Armenia, totaling around 400, vastly exceeding the Armenian National Congress, which has 45 offices. Most of these offices are provided for free use and do not constitute party-owned property.
Regarding real estate ownership, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) holds the largest portfolio with 72 units, while the Republican Party owns 64 units. No other party exceeds 10 units. The ARF, along with four other parties that meet legal criteria, also receives state funding. In 2024, the ARF received more than 100 million AMD from the state, while private contributions from supporters and activities amounted to only around 9 million AMD, roughly ten times less. This discrepancy challenges public claims that party financing primarily comes from supporter donations and membership fees[iii]. Similar imbalances exist in other parties’ funding structures.
The party with the largest overall financial resources was Civil Contract, totaling approximately 500 million AMD, of which 200 million AMD (40%) came from state funding. The Republican Party followed with 200 million AMD in funding, sourced entirely from private contributions, mainly membership fees.
Infographics also highlight the 100 million AMD inflow for the Ramkavar Liberal Party, derived from the sale of party-owned real estate, which should have triggered a mandatory audit, likely unfulfilled due to oversight gaps. Other parties with substantial financial flows include Homeland, Prosperous Armenia, Republic, and Country to Live In. Detailed information on principles, mechanisms, and regulations governing state and private party financing in Armenia can be found in specialized studies[iv][v].
Conclusion
Attempting to summarize the data and arguments presented in this study, several points should be emphasized. Proper verification and oversight of political parties’ annual financial reports are crucial for maintaining clean electoral processes, free from illicit funding and undue interference, which in turn is essential for the functioning and legitimacy of democratic institutions.
In Armenia, despite the relatively large number of registered parties, only a significantly smaller number engage in meaningful activity and participate in electoral processes. Moreover, the number of parties actively involved outside electoral processes is even smaller. This presents a challenge, as inactive political entities carry a high risk of interference in electoral processes through internal or external influence. In particular, party platforms may be made available in exchange for money or other resources to other actors seeking political advancement. The result is an uneven competitive environment that limits public oversight and accountability over many actors. Therefore, it is important to implement a filtering process for parties and electoral participants.
As of 2024, parties actively engaged in financial and operational activity are likely to participate in the upcoming parliamentary elections. However, in addition to monitoring these parties, attention must also be paid to political actors that are active but may deliberately withhold reports on their funding sources, expenditures, and assets, despite existing legal requirements.
[i]https://rcsp.am/entry/6009/2026-tvakani-yntrutyunneri-hastatvac-xaxi-kanonnery/
[ii]https://transparency.am/hy/media/infographics/article/5386
[iii]https://www.civilnet.am/news/987012/%d5%b8%d6%80%d5%bf%d5%a5%d5%9e%d5%b2-%d5%a5%d5%b6-%d5%b0%d5%b5%d5%a4-%d5%a1%d5%af%d5%a1%d5%b6-%d5%a1%d6%80%d5%a9%d5%b8%d6%82%d6%80-%d5%ad%d5%a1%d5%b9%d5%a1%d5%bf%d6%80%d5%b5%d5%a1%d5%b6%d5%ab-%d5%b4%d5%a1%d5%bf%d5%b6%d5%a1%d5%b6%d5%b7%d5%a1%d5%ae-%d5%a1%d5%b6%d5%a4%d5%a1%d5%b4%d5%a1%d5%be%d5%b3%d5%a1%d6%80%d5%b6%d5%a5%d6%80%d5%a8/
[iv]https://council.am/?s=%D5%BA%D5%A5%D5%BF%D5%A1%D5%AF%D5%A1%D5%B6+%D6%86%D5%AB%D5%B6%D5%A1%D5%B6
[v] https://council.am/entry/5290/kusakcakan-hamakargi-yndhanur-nkaragiry/
